After the assassination of General Ironsi in 1966, one account of why the
most senior military officer alive, Brigadier Ogundipe, did not take
the rein of government was the refusal of a very junior NCO soldier of
northern extraction to obey his order. The dejected brigadier had to
step aside and became Nigerian top diplomat to U.K. We never heard of
him again. In a stable polity, this errant soldier would have been
court-martialed and dealt with in accordance with the finest military
tradition. Gowon could be excused for not taking action given the
relative infancy of the nation as an independent state and the
prevalent political chaos of the time. In any case, he was the largest
beneficiary of the disobedience. In fact, this incident contributed to
the preponderance of misdeeds that motivated Biafra secessionist bid.

However, the Ogundipe slight paled in comparison to the latest Goodluck’s snub and the unprecedented breaches of security protocol
that ushered in the return of Yar’Adua to Nigeria. If these breaches
are not satisfactorily redressed, they could threaten the corporate
existence of Nigeria as an indissoluble state. According to reports,
Goodluck was not aware of Yar’Adua return until he was fully ensconced
in the Presidential Villa at Aso Rock. However, to prepare for his
arrival, about two-battalion strength from the Presidential Guards
Brigade were deployed to man strategic locations from Nnamdi Azikiwe
Airport to Aso Rock. It is not far-fetched to speculate that a company
of these guards was probably stationed near Akinola Aguda Residence to
ensure that the Acting President was effectively under ‘House Arrest’. c

Whether one agrees or not with the constitutionality of the process leading to the conferment of acting presidency on Goodluck by the
National Assembly, the fact of the matter is that he remains the de
facto commander-in-chief of Nigerian Armed forces until the substantive
president informs the National Assembly that he will resume duty or a
court order voids the V.P elevation on constitutional grounds. Even in
USA which is the model for our democratic experiment, resolutions of US
Congress remain binding until they are set aside by courts because of
their incongruence with the constitution. Consequently, it is only in a
state of anarchy that troops would be deployed without the
authorization of the commander-in-chief. For the avoidance of
doubt, the primary allegiance of the presidential guard brigade should
be to Goodluck as long as he remains in the acting capacity. Therefore,
whosoever authorized the troop deployment without his blessing has a
case to answer. It is apparent that if Jonathan was in the dark as to
the arrival of his recuperating boss, he could not have authorized the
deployment. The only occasions when troops were deployed without the
blessing of de facto commanders-in-chief had been during coups! What
occurred in those wee hours was nothing short of a bloodless coup that
is unacceptable under constitutional democracy.

A second related breach was the entry of the jets conveying Yar’Adua party into Nigerian airspace without the knowledge of the acting
President and, by extension, members of the national air defense system
who are loyal to him as commander-in-chief. It is not beyond the realm
of possibilities that these Goodluck supporters within the Air Force
could have scrambled fighter jets to intercept the planes, leading to a
crisis of unimaginable proportions. The civil aviation authorities owe
the nation an explanation on the process leading to the approval of the
flight plan and the closure of Nnamdi Azikiwe Airport without the
knowledge of the acting president. If this authority is delegated, the
official needs to explain why he did not deem it fit to inform the
acting president given how important ‘the cargo’ was.

Until now, the Nigeria military forces have distinguished themselves by permitting politicians to sort out their political issues without
military option. However, these breaches would certainly bring the
military and aviation establishments into serious disrepute if not
satisfactorily resolved. It is high time that Dr. Goodluck showed
his capability by immediately convening a meeting with the defense
minister, the service chiefs and the head of the brigade of guards for
a full briefing on the circumstances leading to troop deployment
without his assent. As Atiku aptly demonstrated, he is the only
official of the executive arm of that Yar’Adua cannot dismiss when and
if he eventually resumes work. The reputation of the National Assembly
is also at risk. Its government oversight committee should conduct a
public hearing into this debacle to express its displeasure. Members of
Yar’Adua team responsible for the breaches ought to be relieved of
their responsibilities. If the authorization came from the very top,
this may be another ground for conducting an impeachment hearing.

The alternative to the above is a toleration of anarchy when it is convenient. Anything short of the above remedial steps will reinforce
the impression that, but for the unique exception in Obasanjo, a
segment of the nation has the sacrosanct right to rule the country and
command her armed forces either under constitutional democracy or
military dictatorship. Paradoxically, Goodluck hails from the segment
of the country that produces the nation’s wealth and funds her armed
forces. This can only fuel the growing clamor for the nation’s
disintegration and dashes the hope expressed in our national anthem
about the labor of our heroes past not being in vain.

I hope every arm of government in Nigeria will live up to its responsibility and do the right thing.